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Similarly, Levelt agrees that speaking can affect thinking: “Using a particular language requires the speaker to think of particular conceptual features”.
For example, comparing English and Dutch verb constructions, Pinker concludes that “it seems unlikely that the Dutch conceive of (the underlying meanings) differently from us, except at the moment that they have to express them in words”. Pinker stresses that the impact of thinking-for speaking is minimal, with no consequences beyond speech time. The controversy regarding this latter hypothesis is not whether people think differently while speaking, but rather, how important and interesting this observation is. But he was probably correct in a much weaker sense: one's language does determine how one must conceptualize reality when one has to talk about it”. For example, Pinker, one of the most outspoken critics of the view that language impacts on non-linguistic thinking, writes: “Whorf was surely wrong when he said that one's language determines how one conceptualizes reality in general. To the extent that this morphological contrast leads speakers of the two languages to think differently while conversing, thinking-for-speaking is manifest.Ĭompared to linguistic relativity, the claim that languages influence thinking-for-speaking is relatively little studied, and if anything, there is a consensus that it is (trivially) true. Accordingly, when talking about a friend, Spanish speakers need to contemplate their sex, whereas for English speakers, it is optional. So for example, in English, the word friend carries no information concerning the sex of the friend, whereas in Spanish, it is inflected differently for a man (amigo) or woman (amiga). The present paper considers the related claim that speakers organize their thinking to meet the demands of their language during speech so called thinking-for-speaking. For reviews and criticisms of some of this work, see.
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Similar questions apply to the perception of color –, reasoning about time –, counting, memory, amongst other domains. For evidence in support of this claim see – for contrary evidence see. The question of interest is whether speakers of English and Tzeltal differ in their reasoning about space when language is not engaged. For instance, most languages rely on relative spatial terms to describe the relative locations of objects (e.g., the book is left/right of the pen), but in Tzeltal (a Mayan language), absolute reference terms tend to be used (e.g., uphill/downhill the book is uphill of the pen speakers of Tzelal live in a mountainous area). Most of the attention – and controversy – is focused on the claim that the structure of language shapes non-linguistic thinking so-called linguistic relativity. That is, the interesting debate is over whether the structure of language -syntactic, morphological, lexical, phonological, etc.-has an effect on thought”. As Bloom and Keil put it: “The debate, as we see it, is not whether language shapes thought-it is whether language shapes thoughts in some way other than through the semantic information that it conveys. The answer to this question is highly contentious. What is not so obvious, however, is whether the form of a language can also influence thought. That is what language is for – to implant thoughts and feelings into the minds of others.
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Linguistic relativity is concerned with a profound but subtle question: Does the language you speak affect the way you think? Of course, the messages expressed in language do influence thought.